2015年5月31日 星期日

a double pastis,

和柯比意一同工作的日子 Working with Corbusier_Jerzy Soltan

法國茴香酒
Pastis1.jpg
類型茴香酒 力嬌酒
製造商保樂-力加
分銷商保樂-力加
起源地法國
始創於1932
酒精度45–50%
顏色淡焦糖色
一杯稀釋了的法國茴香酒
和大家分享他所記得和柯比意一同工作的故事.
"I saw Corbu for the last time in 1965, on the eve of his departure from Paris for his customary August vacation...
We had lunch there. Corbu offered me a drink... What will you have? Something light. Perhaps a Dubonnet. And you? Corbu poured himself a double pastis, hardly taking any water. It is a deadly beverage, and I protested mildly. Corbu dismissed my grumbling. He was smiling but serious. As long as he was alive he would not allow himself to be pampered. As long as you live, live with gusto!"
法國茴香酒 (英語Pastis 英國發音:/ˈpæstɪs/美國發音:/pæˈstiːs/)是一種來自法國的茴香味力嬌酒開胃酒,通常含有40-45%酒精濃度,也有不含酒精的法國茴香酒。

歷史[編輯]

第一款法國茴香酒由保羅·力加(利加公司創始人,現與保樂公司合併為保樂-力加公司)於1932年首次商業化,茴香酒在法國相當普及,尤其是在法國南部地區[1]。茴香酒的出現和苦艾酒的禁止是分不開的,在苦艾酒遭禁後,法國人苦苦尋找高質量的茴香味飲料,17年後,茴香酒出現了。也許正是苦艾酒配養出來的人們對茴香味飲料的痴迷,才造就了茴香酒的流行。
在法國、葡萄牙、西班牙和義大利地區,還有一種和「Pastis」味道類似的茴香酒——Anisette,茴香酒是透明的而且不含甘草[2]。真正的茴香酒(Anisette)是通過蒸餾茴芹籽生產的,而法國茴香酒(Pastis)是通過浸泡茴芹籽甘草生產的。
與法國茴香酒類似但起源不同,在其他各地也有不同風味的茴香酒,如在地中海東岸地區也有飲用茴香味力嬌酒的傳統,包括珊布卡(sambuca),希臘茴香酒(ouzo),中東亞力酒(arak),拉克酒(Rakı)和乳香酒(mastika)等。



 double
Having twice the usual size, quantity, or strength:she sipped a double brandy

2015年5月27日 星期三

With ageing populations, mature economies must boost productivity

Free to read: With ageing populations, mature economies must boost productivity if they are to escape stagnating living standards.


May 25, 2015 5:58 pm

Productivity: It’s a drag

Restoring productivity levels is crucial to boosting living standards and filling tax coffers
YIWU, CHINA - MAY 18: (CHINA OUT) A "female" robot waiter delivers meals for customers at robot-themed restaurant on May 18, 2015 in Yiwu, Zhejiang province of China. Sophomore Xu Jinjin in 22 years old from Hospitality Management of Yiwu Industrial and Commercial College managed a restaurant where a pair of robot acted as waiters. The "male" one was named "Little Blue" (for in blue color) and the "female" one was "Little Peach" (for in pink) and they could help order meals and then delivered them to customers along the magnetic track and said: "Here're your meals, please enjoy". According to Xu Jinjin, They had contacted with the designer to present more robot waiters to make the restaurant a real one that depends completely on robots. (Photo by ChinaFotoPress via Getty Images)©Getty
D
rew Greenblatt surveys the shop floor of his small factory in a down-at-heel district of Baltimore, Maryland, where two workers are using a large steel-bending robot.
“This part used to be made in China,” he says. “But because of the robotics we stole this [manufacturing] from China and now make it in America.”
The introduction of automation at Marlin Steel Wire Products has helped boost employee productivity fourfold since 1998, estimates Mr Greenblatt, whose customers include carmaker General Motors. The gains in efficiency are impressive but they are not being replicated across America.
Even as US manufacturers adopt automation as part of their fightback against offshoring to Asia, productivity growth across the economy is at a near standstill. A similar picture is being played out across the globe, exposing the most pressing problem in the world economy today. Only India and sub-Saharan Africa seem to be immune from slowing productivity growth.

Economists are increasingly alarmed because slower improvements in efficiency will lead to a decline in living standards and less-solid public finances. In the medium term, productivity growth is the most important driver of prosperity. Its weakness in recent years lies at the heart of why advanced nations have remained in a low-growth rut since the financial crisis even as unemployment has fallen.
Janet Yellen, the Federal Reserve chair, raised America’s “relatively weak” productivity in a speech last week and urged new measures to strengthen education, boost entrepreneurship and increase capital investment.
New data from the Conference Board think-tank show that average labour productivity growth in mature economies slowed to 0.6 per cent in 2014 from 0.8 per cent in 2013, as a result of ebbing performances in the US, Japan and Europe. Productivity, which tracks how efficiently inputs such as labour and capital are used, tends to evolve over long periods. But the Conference Board readings confirm a longer-term trend of sagging growth that is setting off alarm bells around the world.
With ageing populations, mature economies need to boost productivity sharply if they are to escape stagnating livingstandards
“In the past decade the US has had terrible productivity growth and other countries have been slipping relative to the US,” says John Fernald, an economist at the San Francisco Fed.
In the UK, productivity has not improved in eight years, breaking a trend of roughly 2 per cent annual growth stretching back over a century. George Osborne, the chancellor, last week committed the Conservative government to boosting productivity.
Faced with rapidly ageing populations and slowing employment growth, mature economies need to boost productivity sharply if they are to escape stagnating living standards. To compensate fully for slower employment growth over the coming 50 years, productivity growth would need to be 80 per cent faster than over the past half-century, according to calculations from McKinsey, the consultancy.
Whether such an acceleration can be achieved depends in part on identifying why growth is slowing. To optimists, the poor numbers are a transitory legacy of the recession. The downturn in global demand has temporarily depressed companies’ willingness to invest in new equipment and ideas, and that more cautious outlook dented productivity.
But the slowdown predated the financial crisis; Conference Board data reveal a longstanding fall in growth across mature economies. In Europe and Japan it started in the 1990s, and is related to slower adoption of technology, it says.
0.6
Average labour productivity growth in per cent of mature economies in 2014
Marco Annunziata, the chief economist at General Electric, worries there is a structural problem in Europe due to a lack of risk-taking, low R&D spending and inflexible labour markets.
In the US, the most efficient of the major economies, productivity growth began to ebb in 2005. According to Mr Fernald, this was a result of the lapsing of temporary growth dividends from the 1990s IT revolution.
This raises the possibility that the recent, dreary productivity growth in the US is actually a return to an older and weaker trend. Even in emerging economies, where efficiency is catching up, the rate of growth has slowed.
This has major implications in terms of a prolonged shortfall in tax revenues and increased public debt. It was just such a scenario — the fall in productivity growth between 2010 and 2015 — that stretched a planned four-year period of austerity in the UK into a decade of public-sector misery.
Optimists counter that it is just a matter of time before we see an upsurge
in productivity, pointing to innovation in American IT hubs such as Silicon
Valley.
Researchers at Blue River Technology, a California-based agricultural robotics company, envisage farms of the future being surveyed by flocks of drones, and tended by fleets of robots and self-driving tractors. It is already operating teams of “lettuce bots”, which are being dragged across fields in Arizona and California to identify 1.5m individual plants an hour and make decisions on how to fertilise them.
1.5m
The number of plants an hour that ‘lettuce bots’ identify across fields in Arizona and California
Some argue that the easiest targets for technological progress have already been met. But others say the world is on the cusp of a machine-driven growth spurt, where driverless cars and robots will replace people, and cite companies such as Blue River as evidence.
Another more bullish outlook suggests that the concept of productivity as a measure of living standards is now outdated because quality is difficult to measure in public services such as education, and progress is hard to capture in many consumer technologies. Equivalents to Skype, for instance, were prohibitively expensive a decade ago but now are free, giving people higher standards of living without troubling the statisticians compiling gross domestic product data.
“This takes you into uncharted territory about what progress means in advanced economies,” says Professor Diane Coyle of Manchester university. “There has clearly been an increase in consumer’s welfare, probably extremely large, and we don’t know how it is linked to GDP.”
Mismeasurement might explain how many consumers are better off without appearing to have higher incomes in real terms. But statistical arguments cannot raise incomes or tax revenues, nor do they return sectors with previously high productivity growth back to former levels of success.
Without a return to the former productivity patterns in advanced economies, growth will be permanently lower, as will government revenues. Austerity in the public sector will become a persistent feature and parents will no longer be able to expect their children to earn more than they did. Little is more important in the global economy.

Five drags on productivity

1. Investment is too low
Total-fixed-Investment
Companies may not be investing enough in new equipment and ideas. Instead they are frittering away cash on share buybacks and dividends that totalled $903bn for S&P 500 companies in 2014. The economist Andrew Smithers singles out a long-term decline in investment as a share of gross domestic product as a drag on growth, as well as a slowdown in education improvements. The fall in productivity growth started before the financial crisis, suggesting longer term forces are at work.
2. The big innovations have already happened
R&D-investment-in-the-US
According to research by John Fernald, the San Francisco Federal Reserve economist, the ‘low-hanging fruit’ from the innovation revolution in IT in the late 1990s and early 2000s was plucked a decade ago and the outlook now is for pedestrian productivity growth. Pessimists argue that since the 1970s we have failed to match the productivity-transforming inventions created earlier in the 20th century.
3. Innovations are not being measured correctly
Global-mobile-data-traffic-forecast.png
Much of the technology improvements over the past decade, such as smartphones, have provided huge benefits to consumers without improving the measured output of advanced economies. People with access to free video calls, for example, are better off but are not spending which would benefit the national accounts and productivity statistics. It implies economic progress in the broadest sense is detaching itself from measured gross domestic product.
4. Be patient — it is just a matter of time
The Conference Board data suggest the US is still the most productive of the major economies, especially in hubs such as San Francisco and Boston. One example is in robotics, with Boston Consulting Group predicting 25 per cent of manufacturing tasks will be automated by 2025. However, it is not just about pushing the technological frontier. Three-quarters of the potential productivity growth comes from a broader adoption of existing best practices and companies simply playing catch-up, according to McKinsey.
5. Inefficient services
Trend-growth-of-labour-productivity
Many parts of the services sector have fundamental limits on productivity. In the 1960s the economist William Baumol noted that the productivity of a live Beethoven string quartet could not be higher than that of 100 years earlier. This effect results in higher productivity growth in manufacturing rather than other sectors. The move towards advanced services sector economies implies slower overall productivity growth in the medium term but the trends do not explain the recent big falls.
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2015年5月15日 星期五

台灣「埔桃酒」世界葡萄酒競賽奪金

也許您不知道甚至也不相信,素有葡萄酒奧斯卡之稱的巴黎世界酒類競賽,可是將由后里金香葡萄釀製而成的「埔桃酒」評比為世界第一哦!






台灣「埔桃酒」世界葡萄酒競賽奪金
新頭殼newtalk |  綜合報導
繼去年在巴黎世界酒賽贏得金牌,台灣「埔桃酒」13日又在倫敦舉行的世界葡萄酒競賽再度奪金。圖:翻攝網路
去年才在巴黎世界酒賽贏得金牌,台灣「埔桃酒」13日又在倫敦舉行的世界葡萄酒競賽再度奪金,這是台灣第1次參加這個被譽為國際最具影響力的葡萄酒競賽,獨特風味令各國評審讚嘆。

有32年歷史的英國世界葡萄酒競賽(International Wine Challenge)今年共有來自俄羅斯、以色列、日本等47個國家,超過1萬4000款葡萄酒參賽,來自全球100多位裁判以長達2週,採盲品方式評鑑,由台中后里樹生酒莊釀造的「埔桃酒」脫穎而出奪得金牌,寫下台灣葡萄酒揚名國際的佳績。

目前在高雄餐旅大學擔任助理教授的陳千浩,畢業於法國勃根地大學釀造學系,自2005年開始與樹生產銷班酒莊的莊主洪吉倍與洪良杰父子合作,陳千浩技術轉移,以后里金香葡萄Moscato Oro為原料釀造「埔桃酒」,期間歷經多次失敗,在農糧署與台中農業局積極輔導下漸露曙光。

「能從1萬多款葡萄酒中拿下金牌我太驚訝了,眼淚都掉下來了!」陳千浩表示,「埔桃酒」去年3月在巴黎世界酒類競賽(Vinalies Internationales)獲得金牌,今年再奪得英國的世界葡萄酒競賽,這對他們是極為重要的肯定。

陳千浩說,台灣因氣候緣故,每年7月中旬葡萄採收時經常遭遇颱風而影響葡萄成熟度,在先天條件不如歐洲傳統釀酒國的情況下,必須靠嚴謹的耕種培育,嚴選最佳品質的葡萄,並仰賴先進技術才能逐漸獲得國際肯定。

他說,「埔桃酒」必須經過5年熟成才能散發風味,初期每年僅生產800瓶,每瓶販售新台幣250元乏人問津,去年在巴黎得獎後,售價提高到2000元,後年起每年的產量將提高到1500瓶。

陳千浩正計畫擴大生產「埔桃酒」,引進法國最先進的蒸餾設備,讓台灣的美酒能永續經營。

2015年5月14日 星期四

The lager picture

Archive: A map showing every nation's most popular beer may fill you with nostalgia—or horror. Americans should be thoroughly ashamed that Bud Lite is the national tipple, when its reputation for appalling beer is now wholly outdated. And, quite honestly, anyone who arrives in Belgium, probably the finest brewing nation of all, and orders a Jupiler should be deported forthwith. How many have you tried?http://econ.st/1QLQVUO
GULLIVER considers himself something of a connoisseur of beers from around the world. Actually, perhaps the better word is "acquaintance". Virtually the first thing...
ECON.ST

蘇格蘭威士忌法案 1988 (Onionhead Cerebrum):談日本、台灣威士忌


Scotch Whisky Act 1988
蘇格蘭威士忌法案 1988
日前隨系所老師和同學去參訪學校的畜產試驗場的綠能實驗,見到農場內養了不少頭的乳牛,便觸發聊起鮮奶添加物的議題。農場老師簡易回應說,自己學校生產的鮮奶品質當然無虞,絕對不會發生「雞蛋布丁沒雞蛋」,更不會發生「草莓牛奶沒草莓」的情況(http://bit.ly/1ICV1fe)。農場乳源集奶後便隨之殺菌處理,及時裝填封裝後送實習商店上架,因為不添加有的沒的添加物,所以一直很是搶手。由於乳源實在很有限,能供應實習商店的量就只能那麼一點多而已。要消費除了趁早去排隊等上架,還得搶在老師的老師或是老師的師母隊伍之前,然後儘快帶回冷藏保鮮,給它放心地喝下肚去。
台灣雖然有食衛法等相關的規範把關,但畢竟還是發生了統一雞蛋布丁沒雞蛋的實例,這就令人油然不得不聯想到何以當年蘇格蘭要立法定義並規範蘇格蘭威士忌的釀造了。(http://goo.gl/A2bKaY
現行的蘇格蘭威士忌管理法規是根據1988年時的「蘇格蘭威士忌法案」(Scotch Whisky Act 1988)所制訂,該法規在1990年六月生效實施。法案中針對「蘇格蘭威士忌」(Scotch Whisky)的名詞有如下的定義:
蘇格蘭威士忌是威士忌的一種。必需要在蘇格蘭境內的蒸餾廠裡釀造,且只能使用水與發芽的大麥做為主要原料,但可在部份其中允許使用添加其他穀物的全穀(whole grains of other cereals),而且這些原料都必需:
1)只能在蒸餾廠現地磨碎;
2)只能利用內在的酵素系統(endogenous enzyme systems)以轉化可為發酵的物質;且
3)只能添加酵母來進行發酵;
4)只能容許酒液蒸餾到酒精度(ABV)小於94.8%的水準,俾以保留蒸餾產物中使用原料,以及蒸餾方法所形成的天然香氣與口味;
5)只能裝填陳放於容量不超過700公升的橡木桶中,且一定要庫存在蘇格蘭的保稅倉中進行陳放熟成,而熟成的齡長不得短於三年;
6)只能容許因來自釀造所使用的原料,及其釀造方法和陳年因素所產生的自然色澤、香氣與口味;且
7)除了水和酒用焦糖(spirit caramel)之外,禁止有其他任何的添加物質。
然後,
《蘇格蘭威士忌法案》禁止在蘇格蘭境內製造其他不是『蘇格蘭威士忌』(Scotch Whisky)的「蘇格蘭的威士忌」(Scotland of whisky )。
這『蘇格蘭威士忌』的定義下得真是有意思。就不知道台灣某年某月的某一天也會借鏡立法定義並規範『金門高粱酒』呢?
1988年《蘇格蘭威士忌法案》與《歐洲烈酒定義規範》(European Spirits Definition Regulation)都規定任何想要在歐盟境內銷售,或是從歐盟外銷的蘇格蘭威士忌,其裝瓶後的酒精濃度都不得低於40% ABV 的下限。(The Scotch Whisky Act 1988 and European Community (EC) legislation both specify a minimum alcoholic strength of 40 per cent by volume, which applies to all Scotch Whisky bottled and/or put up for sale within or exported from the Community.)
For the purposes of The Scotch Whisky Act 1988 "Scotch Whisky'' means whisky which has been produced at a distillery in Scotland from water and malted barley (to which only whole grains of other cereals may be added) all of which have been
1) processed at that distillery into a mash;
2) converted to a fermentable substrate only by endogenous enzyme systems; and
3) fermented only by the addition of yeast;
4) which has been distilled at an alcoholic strength by volume of less than 94.8 per cent so that the distillate has an aroma and taste derived from the raw materials used in, and the method of, its production;
5) which has been matured in an excise warehouse in Scotland in oak casks of a capacity not exceeding 700 litres, the period of that maturation being not less than 3 years;
6) which retains the colour. aroma and taste derived from the raw materials used in, and the method of, its production and maturation; and
7) to which no substance other than water and spirit caramel has been added.
The Scotch Whisky Act 1988 prohibits inter alia the production in Scotland of whisky other than Scotch Whisky.





Hanching Chung 會界定業界獨特產品的製法品管等,頗有智慧,想1988年的科技發達和世界競爭日烈。看看20年之後,日本快世界第一而台灣自有驕傲的威士忌。

Onionhead Cerebrum 有點類似專利行使,以塑造產品形象差異化的作為。台灣釀造的威士忌,不論是金車噶瑪蘭或是TTL南投廠都能應用環境因素,提昇產品品質和醞釀獨特的風味。很不簡單的know-how。日本威士忌則在於麥芽發酵桶內運用到味噌和清酒手工製程的技藝,使得酒體呈現細膩的口感,這點跟大部分國家酒廠使用機械攪拌容有差異。口感是複雜的知覺記憶,也跟生活經驗息息相關,經營者先有這樣的體悟,自會帶出與眾不同有特色的產品,這也是日本威士忌除了炒作因素外很夯的另因由。



服老為快樂之本 (袁瓊瓊)


這本雜誌叫「熟年誌」。看到封面上標題:「張曼娟談樂獨」,旁邊一個笑瞇瞇的美女,就想:美女果然是不一樣的生物啊,連老了都還美成這樣。再仔細看,這不是張曼娟,...
STORM.MG

2015年5月9日 星期六

SINGLETON

The Singleton
WE'VE MADE A BEAUTIFULLY BALANCED SPIRIT, MATURED IT IN SHERRY AND BOURBON OAK CASKS, AND CREATED A SMOOTH, RICH FAMILY OF WHISKIES WITH LAYERS AND LAYERS OF FLAVOUR. BECAUSE TASTE IS EVERYTHING AT DUFFTOWN. AND BECAUSE WE WANT EVERYONE TO LOVE SINGLE MALT WHISKY AS MUCH AS WE DO. OUR NAMES ARE INSPIRED BY THE COLORFUL WORLD OF FLY FISHING FROM OUR HOME NEAR THE RIVER SPEY.

THE SINGLETONSPEY CASCADE.

OUR SIGNATURE SINGLE MALT, SMOOTH RICH AND PERFECTLY BALANCED WITH NOTES OF BROWN SUGAR, TOASTED NUTS AND BAKED AUTUMN FRUITS. CRAFTED FROM THE PERFECT BALANCE OF SHERRY AND BOURBON OAK CASKS.
STRENGTH:40% abv
APPEARANCEBurnished copper in sunlight.
NOSEMild and fresh at first, with baked apples and woody fragrance broadening to marzipan and ripe red berries.
PALATESoftly coating, with stewed apples and hints of spice.
FINISHGentle finish with marzipan & baked fruits.

2015年5月6日 星期三

威士忌吸引力:訪黃培峻



專訪 SMWS 台灣分會長黃培峻

「在訪談的最後,我問了一些關於坊間對於威士忌優劣評級的問題,他說:『威士忌好玩的地方就是每個人可以按自己的個性去選酒,沒什麼好或是爛的。我不會批評任何酒,因為說了負面的話就等於抹殺了人家努力做酒的過程,我最最最惡毒的評語就是『我不大喜歡,但或許你會喜歡』各有喜惡嘛。』我想,這就是威士忌吸引我的地方,懷著豐盛,卻不張揚,溫柔而相安。」

http://www.biosmonthly.com/contactd.php?id=5950

2015年5月5日 星期二

幾則老人的故事


     今天11點,台北溫州街下著毛毛細雨。64號楚先先(九十幾)傴僂走出大門,兩手提著東西,沒雨具。
     我問他要去拿兒?他平常會走一百多公尺去買報紙或買便當。他說要叫部車去公務人員發展中心,距離約300公尺。
     溫州街是單行道,附近接道也如此。我等一陣子,判斷雨中計程車過來的機會小,就自告奮勇走50公尺出去新生南路攔車,轉灣繞回去溫州街,楚先生在那兒盼望來車。
     幫他的行李和人身跨上車去,他一直問我住那樓那號,說改天請我們夫婦吃飯。.....
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昨天五四。大家似乎只注意福建廳內的習朱相見。我讀人民文學出版主編的人事回憶錄:《生正逢時:屠岸自述》,寫了相當多知識份子的悲壯故事,作者常老淚縱橫會老友。這本我從總書記20元買的二手書,內容、文筆很精彩。


唯一遺憾的是屠岸先生 (90多了)漢賊不兩立的那輩。他瞧不起的周作人,我則認為周先生是20世紀做優秀的散文家;他認為張先生跟漢奸胡蘭成,就不足道。他是愛詩如命的,我很想問問他,汪精衛的舊體詩詞如何?


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最近這些日子我不斷陪人或被陪穿梭在醫院,只見醫院熱鬧如市場,人滿為患也可說是台灣奇蹟之一,其中有許多老人家(男女都有)坐著輪椅或是旁邊有一個年輕人扶著,也夾雜在內。看到這些人身體如此柔弱,卻還有如此高的求生意志,不由得想到社會上為何也有另一些身體健全的人卻要自殘求死,如此矛盾的情景讓人不解。另一方面,也覺得世界上有如此多人勾心鬥角,追求名利,並且毫無節制的大吃大喝,結果落入身體有一大堆慢性疾病,只好到處求醫,這樣的人生有何意義?到頭來只是將辛苦賺來的錢送給醫院,換取身體健康。倒不如早一點趁這身體還健康時,多多講求飲食均衡,多多及時運動,實踐「預防勝於治療」的生活哲學,追求快樂生活。



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吳念真導演這幾年來義氣相挺,站出來與聖母醫院共同呼籲社會大眾注意人口老化問題,除了他一貫地真性情和關注社會議題之外,從而也讓我們好奇:這個幾乎是台灣人國民化身的「歐里桑」,自己對於「老」這回事,有什麼理解和感觸呢?

吳導曾講過這麼一個親身經歷。是某一次他到南部出差,在高鐵上碰到的關於「老」的這回事。

導演說,高鐵有個無障礙車廂,有一次他正巧有機會陪同事坐這一車,他描述那天車內輪椅很多,外籍看護也很多,幾個老人家一路聊天,討論病情…。其中,有兩個老太太都要去南部參加葬禮,只是地點不一樣,兩個人各自回憶與亡者之間的點點滴滴…。


突然,其中一個老太太說:這個印尼看護老是陪我去醫院拿藥、探病,不然就是參加葬禮....哪天回去的時候,會不會跟人家說台灣哦,不是老人、病人、就是死人啊?

吳念真說,老太太的聲音很大,奇怪的是,車內沒人有任何反應,反而更沈默……。
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2015年5月3日 星期日

酒粉末---美國麥可飛利浦斯



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Mint julep

  1. Mint julep
    Cocktail
  2. The mint julep is a mixed alcoholic drink, or cocktail, consisting primarily of bourbon, water, crushed or shaved ice, and fresh mint.Wikipedia
  3. Ingredients1 teaspoon Powdered sugar, 2 oz. Bourbon whiskey, 2 teaspoons Water, 4 Mint leaves
  4. PreparationIn a highball glass gently muddle the mint, sugar and water. Fill the glass with cracked ice, add Bourbon and stir well until the glass is well frosted. Garnish with a mint sprig.
  5. ServedOn the rocks; poured over ice
  6. Standard garnishMint sprig
  7. DrinkwareHighball glass
  1. Mint julep - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

    en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mint_julep
    The mint julep is a mixed alcoholic drink, or cocktail, consisting primarily of bourbon (or some other spirit), water, crushed or shaved ice, and fresh mint.

"The Van Winkle mint julep formula is to use only 17-year-old stock—either 'Old Fitzgerald' or 'Old Mammoth Cave'—put sugar and bruised mint at the bottom of the silver cup, pack in finely-cracked ice to induce proper frosting, stick mint sprigs in after two ounces of Bourbon have been poured." http://ti.me/1GC23wp
(Alfred Eisenstaedt—The LIFE Picture Collection/Getty Images)